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numbers and the increasing share of rent controlled units (note the big jump in 1993 by any measure in the share of rent controlled units in Table 1 and in the growth rates of the amount of rent controlled units in Table 2); and (b) the change in the legal environment as a consequence of the Yee v. City of Escondido decision-13 The decision can be seen as a "green light" for cities to step up mobile home rent control adoption and/or enforcement. Simulated Economic Impact of Rent Control Policy The economic impact of the rent control presented by the regression results reported in Tables 6a through c may be more intuitive if re -crafted in the form of controlled experiments or simulations where the impact of rent control on various types of mobile homes is examined. Figures 3a through 3c present the results of a series of such simulations. In each case, the bar charts show the impact of rent control relative to `no' rent control under ceteris paribus conditions. For example, Figure 3a shows that for the average mobile home after 1993, flexible rent control would decrease the value of a coach by about $148, or about 1.0 percent ($17623=$17771=0.99), while rigid rent control would increase the value of a coach by about $1142, or about 6 percent ($18913 ' $17771=1.06). Figure 3b shows that for the average mobile home after 1993, a rigid rent control regime increases the value of a coach for both low-income and high -income households: the former by about $1,098, or seven percent and the latter by about $1,141, or five percent. Flexible rent control regimes result in marginally lower prices. Figure 3c shows that for the average mobile home after 1993, a rigid rent control regime increases the value of a coach in census tracts with younger households as well as in census tracts with older households. The former by about $1,333, or eight percent and the latter by about $851, or four percent. Flexible rent control regimes result in marginally higher prices in census tracts comprised of older households and marginally lower prices in census tracts comprised of younger households. 13 We initially attributed some of the post 1993 change to improved economic expectations in California associated with the jobs and housing recovery. We thought that the expected rent savings might take on more value with the economic recovery as alternative housing increased in price. However, according to OFHEO's California Housing Price Index, positive nominal increases in statewide housing prices were not seen until 1995:4 and 1996:1. Those two positive quarters were followed by four quarters of declines in nominal prices followed in 1997:2 with a quarterly increase in nominal housing prices which began the recovery which has been sustained through the present. See www.ofheo.gov /HPIState.asp7FormMode=Process.